By S. McEvoy-Levy
This publication examines a severe time and position in contemporary global history--the finish of the chilly War--and the options and values hired within the public dipomacy of the Bush and Clinton Administrations to construct household and foreign consensus. It offers perception into the makes use of of presidential energy and offers a version and an indication for a way rhetoric can be used within the learn of usa overseas coverage.
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Additional resources for American Exceptionalism and U.S. Foreign Policy: Public Diplomacy at the End of the Cold War
In Politics Among Nations, Morgenthau outlined his `six principles of political 28 American Exceptionalism & US Foreign Policy realism', one of which was a repudiation of both the `chosen people' and `manifest destiny' forms of exceptionalism: There is a world of difference between the belief that all nations stand under the judgement of God, inscrutable to the human mind, and the blasphemous conviction that God is always on one's side and that what one wills oneself cannot fail to be willed by God.
This had always been implicit in early American exceptionalism, as Thomas Paine stated in his Common Sense in 1776: `we have it within our 26 American Exceptionalism & US Foreign Policy power to begin the world all over again', but this globalizing strain found concrete expression in US policy during an era of World Wars. Distaste at the implicit imperialism of `manifest destiny' produced a return to the `rhetoric of redemption' which had typified earlier Puritan exceptionalism. Rather than declaring a religious/racial destiny to civilize the world, the new `redeemer nation'15 would promote an international order based on selfdetermination, justice, and peace.
Buckley and George Will, argued that the Cold War could not be declared over until Communism had been completely overturned in all regions of the world. Others claimed that `the form and character' of the Cold War system of international relations would not substantially change and, therefore, neither should policy. The development of a `mixed system' in Europe was predicted, one in which multipolarity was `grafted on to' the old bipolarity. Cold War balance of power arrangements would persist.